Dynastic Politics, International Protestantism and Royal Rebellion: Prince George of Denmark and the Glorious Revolution

This article reveals the importance of Prince George of Denmark to James II and William of Orange. It places George in the world of early modern European politics, when foreign policy and international relations were inextricably linked with dynastic politics, and many were concerned about the future well-being of Protestantism. The religious component is crucial as the evidence strongly suggests that George felt he belonged to a ‘Protestant International’, not defined by membership of a particular nation. By drawing attention to the polycentric nature of the Stuart court in the 1680s, the workings of dynastic politics in the international arena that involved secret political manoeuvrings in the run up to the invasion, and then detailing the way in which George behaved following William’s arrival, this article argues that Prince George played a crucial role in the Glorious Revolution. It will also demonstrate that in the 1690s George helped to consolidate and promote the new regime. During the period in question the Prince and Princess of Denmark were a political partnership, and rather than being led by others, they joined forces with William and Mary because they each had a distinct political agenda. George pursued policies he believed would benefit the Stuart–Oldenburg dynasty in England, and its related houses in Europe, and the cause of international Protestantism. A subsidiary theme of this article will be the continuing importance of ceremonies involving royalty to the political culture of urban communities in early modern England.

Quelle: http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/short/131/550/540?rss=1

Social Background and Promotion Prospects in the Royal Navy, 1775-1815

The professions in eighteenth-century Britain included sons of the aristocracy and sons of the middling sort. This article uses naval officers as a case-study for exploring the relationship between social status and merit. Using techniques made possible by the emergence of large quantities of digitised source material, it revises the work of Michael Lewis by describing and analysing a database of 556 commissioned officers who served in the Royal Navy during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. Officers came from lower down the social spectrum than Lewis found, and, above a certain social threshold, there does not seem to have been any correlation between an officer’s social background and his promotion prospects. The pressures of more than two decades of war meant that senior naval officers could not afford to overlook able candidates for promotion in favour of the social elite. For naval professionals, social background mattered less than merit; however, merit retained elements of birth-right and lineage as traditionally defined in early modern Europe. The research presented here suggests that the case of naval officers differs somewhat from the existing historiography of the professions.

Quelle: http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/short/131/550/570?rss=1

When the Emperor Submitted to his Rebellious Subjects: A Neglected and Innovative Legal Account of the Peace of Constance, 1183

Scholarship associates Emperor Frederick Barbarossa with two momentous but seemingly contrary developments in European history: the Diet of Roncaglia of 1158 is considered a landmark in the conceptualisation and growth of royal authority, but the Peace of Constance with the rebel Lombard League of 1183 is represented as the legal basis for the autonomy of the Italian city republics. This paper highlights the fact that the Peace of Constance also identified imperial prerogatives, and it argues that, while it is now overlooked, that side of the settlement attracted a great deal of attention well into the early modern period and well beyond Italy. It demonstrates this by examining a largely forgotten account by the jurist Odofredus, which differs from the now current depictions of the Peace of Constance by stating that the rectors of the League defined those prerogatives following Barbarossa’s submission to them. The paper advises partial acceptance of this account, contextualises it in the conflict between Frederick II and the League (1226–50), and suggests not only that the Peace of Constance and Odofredus’ account informed seminal debates on kingship, right of resistance and popular sovereignty, but also that the former came to be a prime historical example of a settlement between sovereign and subjects, and the latter its standard interpretation, in the following centuries.

Quelle: http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/short/131/550/519?rss=1

Holy War, Martyrdom, and Terror: Christianity, Violence and the West, by Philippe Buc

Quelle: http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/short/131/550/623?rss=1

Siege Warfare and Military Organization in the Successor States (400-800 AD), by Leif Inge Ree Petersen

Quelle: http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/short/131/550/625?rss=1

Constructing Space for Dissent in War: The Bombing Restriction Committee, 1941-1945

The prevailing view of the British public’s response to the RAF bomber offensive during the Second World War suggests that there was widespread and even enthusiastic support for the bombing aside from a small number of prominent individuals, chiefly the writer Vera Brittain and the Bishop of Chichester, George Bell. This article challenges the view that there was little overt dissent over the bombing campaign by looking at the origins, activity and impact of the Bombing Restriction Committee, the title given in 1942 to the Committee for the Abolition of Night Bombing founded in August 1941. The Committee undertook a wide range of activity in protest first against night-bombing, and then more generally against the RAF’s shift to area bombing in 1941–2. The article examines the network of supporters that the committee developed and the nature and extent of its propaganda, and addresses the question of why the protest against a major aspect of British strategy was allowed to continue throughout the war without serious interference. The result suggests that the ideal of a ‘democratic consensus’ in Britain was not realised on this issue; instead it can be argued that official tolerance for protest demonstrated more clearly Britain’s democratic credentials, while it allowed the Committee to keep alive the evolving humanitarian concern of sections of pre-war British society, and to sustain those concerns on into the nuclear age.

Quelle: http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/short/131/550/596?rss=1

Bede and the Future, ed. Peter Darby and Faith Wallis

Quelle: http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/short/131/550/629?rss=1

Fils du Martel: La naissance, l education et la jeunesse de Pepin, dit ‚le Bref (v. 714-v. 741), by Alain Stoclet

Quelle: http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/short/131/550/631?rss=1

The Apocalypse in the Early Middle Ages, by James T. Palmer

Quelle: http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/short/131/550/627?rss=1

Early Medieval Monetary History: Studies in Memory of Mark Blackburn, ed. Rory Naismith, Martin Allen and Elina Screen

Quelle: http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/short/131/550/635?rss=1