Juni 17, 2016, 4:23 p.m.,
Piller, E.,
Allgemein.
This article explores Weimar Germany's strategic use of German child distress to win US popular support for a revision of the Versailles treaty. Through the early 1920s German officials deliberately publicized the innocent suffering of German children to project German poverty and victimization and to communicate the unjust and untenable nature of the peace terms to the world, especially the powerful United States. At a time when the United States of America withdrew politically from Europe, its unprecedented humanitarian engagement overseas, including a German child-feeding program, seemed to offer a unique opportunity to mobilize empathy and support for the recent enemy among an otherwise hostile and uninterested US public. Though concerns over German international prestige were always prevalent, Germany’s restricted room of political manoeuvre repeatedly forced such strategic appeals to pity as the only option to garner US interest, sympathy and, ultimately, involvement in a revision of the peace terms, especially the reparations question. By focusing on this ‘diplomacy of pity’ the article sheds light on Weimar Germany's hopes and frustrations in engaging so important, and so elusive, a power as the United States of America in the early 1920s. The article’s focus on German ambitions with regard to US humanitarian aid also challenges the common notion of aid recipients as passive objects of foreign magnanimity. The way recipient nations construct and use their humanitarian narrative, the agency they assert, deserves much wider attention.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/51/3/453?rss=1
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Juni 17, 2016, 4:23 p.m.,
Efremkin, E.,
Allgemein.
This article analyzes the infusion of North American ideas, culture and experience into the Soviet society, and depicts immigrants as agents of social and cultural change. Having embodied North American representations of modernity, they introduced new working methods, values and routines, as well as novel forms of labor organization to Soviet Karelia. With the help of imported machinery, tools, and equipment, immigrants drastically increased the production rates at Karelia’s industries. Glorified and publicized by the Karelian government and the media, their labour shops, and farm communes became models to be emulated in Karelia and throughout the Soviet Union. North American Finns also came to play an important part in Soviet elites’ attempt to modernize the Soviet society, both economically and culturally. Although they were agents of cultural and technological change in their own right, immigrants’ social and ethnic identities were subsumed and appropriated by the Soviet state and Karelia’s cultural producers in attempts to promote a Soviet version (an alternative) of economic and cultural modernity. Their physical and intellectual movement across national borders shaped and reconstituted the Soviet path to modernization, even if for a short period of time. In the process, concepts of the local, the national and the modern (that is, the global), became increasingly entangled.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/51/3/531?rss=1
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Juni 17, 2016, 4:23 p.m.,
Marynower, C.,
Allgemein.
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Juni 17, 2016, 4:23 p.m.,
Petruccelli, D.,
Allgemein.
In December 1925, a group of Hungarian nationalists were caught trying to put into circulation a large quantity of counterfeit francs in a bid to weaken the French economy and fund irredentist action in Central Europe. This article uses this plot and police investigations to examine the central role of counterfeiting in international crime control and policing in interwar Europe and to make broader claims about interwar internationalism. Earlier Hungarian plots targeting neighboring states’ currencies had paved the way for the founding of the International Criminal Police Commission, today known as Interpol, and prompted European jurists to develop ideas about international criminal law. France initially used its investigations in 1925 as a tool of power politics, hoping to reshape the political order in Central Europe. Once this effort failed, France sought other means to assert authority in Europe, appealing to the League of Nations to draft an international convention on counterfeiting. The resulting convention laid the institutional and ideological bases for an expansion of international policing and law in the 1930s. The counterfeiting plot reveals the shifting power relations in 1920s Europe and points to the interconnections between ‘utopian’ internationalism and ‘realist’ security concerns on the continent.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/51/3/507?rss=1
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Juni 17, 2016, 4:23 p.m.,
Papadogiannis, N.,
Allgemein.
This article examines the organizations that ran youth hostels in West Germany from the 1950s to 1989. It analyses whether they reconfigured their aims and practices against the backdrop of the cultural, social and political transformations that West Germany underwent throughout its existence, especially concerning the establishment of strong ties with ‘Western’ countries and the spread of mass consumption. It argues that while the maintenance of discipline among guests by youth hostel personnel remained important in the operation of West German youth hostels throughout the period in question, the norms around which discipline revolved and the ways in which it was enforced increasingly became negotiated between the officials of these associations and the guests at youth hostels. This process does not fall into the category of the ‘cultural revolution’ that occurred in the ‘Long Sixties’, according to Arthur Marwick, but amounted to a protracted and cautious experimentation that lasted several decades. While the historiography of tourism has hitherto analysed either the explosion of commercial tourism or the spread of anti-commercial travel from the 1960s onwards, shifting youth hostel policies help illuminate a popular type of tourism, which growingly developed synergies with both those travel patterns, but yet remained distinct from them.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/51/3/660?rss=1
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Juni 17, 2016, 4:23 p.m.,
Radai, I.,
Allgemein.
The Palestinian-Arab middle class under the Mandate may be characterized as bourgeois and educated, similarly to bourgeois classes that have developed in the West in the Modern era. The bourgeois characteristics of the Palestinian-Arab middle class, and their influence on its historical trajectory during the Mandate era, have not been studied in depth yet. This article aims to focus on a local aspect of the rise of the middle class in the region in that period: the rise of the Palestinian-Arab middle class under the Mandate, until the Palestinian-Arab Revolt (1936–9). The main hypothesis is that particular bourgeois social and cultural characteristics prevented the middle class full incorporation into the Palestinian-Arab National Movement, and even led to estrangement between the middle class and the national leadership, as well as members of lower strata, especially the villagers. Members of the middle class, mostly Christians but Muslims as well, espoused in their daily life modern habits, ideas, and customs, as a means to distinguish between themselves and other classes, similarly to their parallels in the West, and like their contemporaries elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean, as has demonstrated by Watenpaugh. Those gaps reached their climax during the years of revolt.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/51/3/487?rss=1
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Juni 17, 2016, 4:23 p.m.,
Gottlieb, J.,
Allgemein.
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Juni 17, 2016, 4:23 p.m.,
Holt, A.,
Allgemein.
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Juni 17, 2016, 1:17 p.m.,
Blätter Verlag,
Allgemein.
Der Wettstreit um einen gigantischen Zukunftsmarkt tritt in die heiße Phase ein: Mitte Juni kündigte Apple auf der firmeneigenen Entwicklerkonferenz an, seinen sprachgesteuerten Assistenten „Siri“ erstmals für andere Anbieter zu öffnen.
Weiterlesen
Quelle: https://www.blaetter.de/archiv/jahrgaenge/2016/juli/silicon-valley-der-grosse-lauschangriff
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Juni 17, 2016, 8:10 a.m.,
ANDREA SCHLENKER,
Allgemein.
Abstract
Empirically growing transnationalism and normatively demanded cosmopolitanism may be closely connected when considered as different elements of new forms of citizenship beyond the single nation-state. Do individuals with either full (dual citizenship) or partial (foreign resident) transnational status exhibit more cosmopolitanism than mono citizens? This article decodes the multidimensional character of cosmopolitanism using major democratic theories – liberalism, republicanism, and communitarianism. Multivariate regression analyses of data from a survey among mono citizens, dual citizens and foreign residents in Switzerland reveal that a transnational status is associated with cosmopolitanism in a differentiated way. Dual citizens and especially foreign residents are more likely than mono citizens to exhibit liberal cosmopolitanism; but only dual citizens having full political rights and opportunities in two countries are more likely to exhibit republican cosmopolitanism and only foreign residents excluded from the political community of residence are more likely to exhibit communitarian cosmopolitanism. Each of them can thus be considered as vanguards in specific ways. Our study furthermore demonstrates the added value of disaggregating both cosmopolitanism and transnationalism.
Quelle: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/resolve/doi?DOI=10.1111%2Fglob.12133
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