Quelle: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00905992.2015.1010700#abstract?ai=z4&mi=3fqos0&af=R
Quelle: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00905992.2014.999314#abstract?ai=z4&mi=3fqos0&af=R
Quelle: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00905992.2015.1010701#abstract?ai=z4&mi=3fqos0&af=R
Quelle: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00905992.2015.1010699#abstract?ai=z4&mi=3fqos0&af=R
This article explores the evolution of French–Spanish military relations during the Franco dictatorship and the first democratic governments in Spain. After examining the origins, implications and limits of the bilateral general rapprochement, we will focus on French transfers of defence technology and arms to Spain. During the Cold War, Spain was part of the western bloc and the United States of America was the main international partner of the Franco regime. Nevertheless, western European countries, led by France, started to compete with the USA in Spain's political, economic and military external relations. After more than two decades of contact amongst French and Spanish armies, governments and arms companies (mainly state-owned), the most significant results in the military field appeared at the beginning of the 1970s, still during the dictatorship, and were consolidated and expanded during the democratic transition after 1975. French offers of co-manufacturing agreements, expert training and aid for exports, as well as the Spanish wish to approach Europe to counteract US predominance, largely explain the success of French military action in Spain during this period.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/50/2/376?rss=1
This article explores the political and gendered representations of Georges Loustaunau-Lacau and Marie-Madeleine Méric (later Fourcade), leaders of a French Resistance network during the Second World War. Both leaders came from the extreme-right and their commitment to the Resistance was questioned both during and after the war by critics who could not reconcile their rightist politics with the nature of resistance to the German occupation. Méric’s role as a female Resistance leader, moreover, was also highlighted in wartime reports and not always positively. In the postwar period, the representations of both resisters changed alongside the changing narrative about the French Resistance more generally. Loustaunau-Lacau continued to be a target for politically motivated accusations that questioned his Resistance record right up until his death, as he did not fit into the dominant Gaullist narrative. While Méric’s political capital improved, thanks to her conversion to Gaullism, she gets nudged out of many histories because of the exceptional nature of her role in the Resistance as a woman. This article suggests ways in which we might further explore the topic of Resistance, particularly when it was undertaken by people who have not fit comfortably in the existing narratives.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/50/2/259?rss=1
This article focuses on a particular aspect related to the permeability of the borders of communist Romania during the period 1967–9, that is, the increase in the number of Western citizens visiting Romania, as well as in the number of Romanian citizens travelling to the West. The celebration by the communist regime in Bucharest of International Tourist Year 1967 marked the beginnings of a brief period of increased permeability of communist Romania’s borders. During the same period, the communist authorities learned that a silent opposition to the regime existed as well. Many of those who opposed the regime did not dare to express their discontent publicly. Instead, they decided for the ‘exit’ option, and thus a growing number of Romanian citizens travelling to the West refused to return. Beginning in early 1969, the Securitate devised complex measures to control Western citizens travelling to Romania and to prevent Romanian citizens who travelled to the West from remaining abroad. This paper illustrates the discrepancy between Ceauşescu’s foreign and domestic policy, and contributes to a better understanding of the ‘political mind’ of the Romanian communists during the power-consolidation phase of Ceauşescu’s rule.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/50/2/337?rss=1
During the Second World War, the Vichy government published many of the same antisemitic laws in Tunisia as it did in the metropole. But in Tunisia, the ‘Jewish Question’ also became a question of maintaining control over the French Empire. Vichy racial legislation aimed at the Protectorate’s multinational Jewish population did not only reflect the state’s antisemitic policies; rather, these laws were inextricably bound up in France’s colonial rivalry with Italy. In a colony where French political and economic hegemony had been only tenuously secured in the preceding decades through strategic naturalization, Vichy racial laws presented French authorities with a radically new avenue to consolidate power in the Protectorate; however, they also threatened to upend Tunisia’s economy and provoke Italian intervention. This article explores how the frequently-delayed and often partial application of Vichy anti-Jewish laws in Tunisia resulted from the difficulties of reconciling the aims of economic aryanization with the exigencies of protecting French rule against the pretensions of Fascist Italy.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/50/2/234?rss=1
British military intervention in Greece in December 1944, in support of the anti-communist forces in the country, elicited a significant reaction at home, from left-wing politicians and trade unions as well as by the press. Indeed, records of the Mass-Observation organization, which became known for its practice of ‘Anthropology from Below’, indicate that the issue continued to hold the public’s interest for several months. This article discusses the inquiry conducted by Mass-Observation during December 1944 and January 1945 and analyses the views and feelings of ‘ordinary British citizens’ about British policy in Greece.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/50/2/296?rss=1
This article investigates Japanese New Order thinking in terms of the political and cultural debates sparked by the Italian aggression of Ethiopia (1935–6). Interpreting the war in light of Japan’s earlier conquest of Manchuria (1931), Japanese ideologues, policymakers, and journalists expressed a mixture of rage and relief. On one side, they regarded Fascist Italy’s war as old-fashioned Western imperialism – from which Japan claimed to be liberating Asia. On the other side, they concluded that the Italian-Ethiopian war accelerated the collapse of the international order established after the First World War. In this way the Japanese recognized a commonality of interest with Mussolini’s attempt to contrast the League of Nations and the Great Powers by means of empire-building. This article argues that, in the attempt to overcome the international order centered on the League of Nations, Imperial Japan’s fascist tendencies overlapped with Fascist Italy’s imperial policies – and that Japanese observers were conscious of (albeit often ambivalent about) this unexpected ideological common ground. Ultimately, the article attempts to shed new light on the relationship between imperialism and fascism in the interwar period.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/50/2/215?rss=1
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