April 7, 2014, 6:23 p.m.,
Gfeller, A. E.,
Allgemein.
This article investigates the involvement of the European Parliament – one of today’s key European Union institutions – in human rights in the context of East–West relations during the 1970s and 1980s. It shows that the European Parliament used symbolic politics to style itself as champion of human rights in Europe and thus assert itself in two partially overlapping political arenas: the European Community and the broader Western European political arena. Using untapped archival materials, this study also suggests that in pursuing this goal European parliamentarians became part of the so-called transnational ‘Helsinki network’ which promoted respect for human rights in the Soviet bloc and contributed to raising the salience of this topic in international affairs.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/49/2/390?rss=1
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April 7, 2014, 6:23 p.m.,
Stagner, A. C.,
Allgemein.
This article examines representations of shell shock in American culture during and after the First World War. It draws on the large historiography of First World War-era shell shock in Europe where shell shock came to represent the incurable wounds of the soldier and nation. Examining medical discussions, popular films, works of literature, magazines, and newspapers from 1915–40, this article asserts that in contrast to Europeans, Americans saw shell shock as a temporary, curable injury of war. This understanding uniquely framed the way Americans viewed not only returning veterans, but also US global positioning and responsibility immediately after the war. During the 1920s in the USA, the figure of the uncured shell-shocked veteran took on new meanings, as the wound of shell shock became part of larger debates over the nature of mental illness and the government’s responsibility to care for its veterans. Specifically after the stock market crash of 1929, the term helped to create a new language deployed in connection with global economic hardship and governmental economic assistance.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/49/2/255?rss=1
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April 7, 2014, 6:23 p.m.,
de Meneses, F. R., McNamara, R.,
Allgemein.
PIDE/DGS, Portugal’s secret police during the New State (1932–74), had an important role to play in the country’s colonial wars, which lasted from 1961 to 1974. Using documentation circulated at meetings held regularly with the police forces and intelligence services of UDI Rhodesia and South Africa, this article attempts to reveal the scale, and the limitations, of PIDE/DGS’s ambitions in that conflict.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/49/2/366?rss=1
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April 7, 2014, 6:23 p.m.,
Glaurdić, J.,
Allgemein.
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April 7, 2014, 6:23 p.m.,
Hung, C.-t.,
Allgemein.
The Beijing Daily, the flagship media outlet of the Beijing Municipal Party, was one of the most influential newspapers established in the early years of the People’s Republic of China. The newspaper’s principal purpose was to propagate the remarkable achievements of the Chinese Communist Party and to demonstrate the superiority of the Chinese socialist system over the capitalist one. Newly available archival sources reveal a depressing and disturbing story behind the façade of authoritative reporting: an interlocking system of control of editorial management, stringent censorship, skillful manipulation of news, and carefully selected readers’ letters in praise of the Communist regime. In the early 1960s, in contrast to the harmonious picture of Chinese society depicted by the newspaper, senior editorial staff were caught in the middle of life-and-death ideological infighting between the radical Maoists and the pragmatists in the central Party leadership. The staff used a variety of techniques – double talk, fence-sitting, paying lip service to the official lines and conducting self-criticism – to navigate through the perilous political shoals. But they were eventually purged by the Maoists during the Cultural Revolution for siding with the pragmatists. Chinese journalists, including the Beijing Daily staff who worked in the system, lived a precarious life in the authoritarian environment.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/49/2/341?rss=1
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April 7, 2014, 6:23 p.m.,
Casey, S.,
Allgemein.
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April 7, 2014, 6:23 p.m.,
Zakić, M.,
Allgemein.
Between 1941 and 1944, the Serbian Banat was occupied by Reich German forces but administered by its Volksdeutsche (ethnic German) minority. The Banat Volksdeutsche existed in a precarious balance between the Third Reich's racial policy and their new position as masters of their home region, with the power to rule as well as abuse other Banat ethnic groups. The precariousness of their position was especially apparent with relation to the material perks and privileges they received at the Third Reich’s behest, specifically easy access to Aryanized property and to land expropriated from the Banat Serbs. Not only did these privileges help turn other Banat ethnicities against the Volksdeutsche, they also drew the Volksdeutsche ever deeper into complicity with the Third Reich. The Banat Volksdeutsche paid dearly for material privileges and a modicum of power, as they came to owe the Third Reich loyalty, food deliveries, administrative and security service and, finally, armed service in the Waffen-SS.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/49/2/320?rss=1
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April 7, 2014, 6:23 p.m.,
Journal of Contemporary History current issue,
Allgemein.
Journal of Contemporary History 48(3) July 2013 Book Reviews section, DOI: 10.1177/0022009413481304. Review of Laurent Warlouzet, Le choix de la EEC par la France. L'Europe économique en débat de Mendès France à de Gaulle (1955–1969), reviewed by Wolfram Kaiser.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/49/2/472?rss=1
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April 7, 2014, 6:23 p.m.,
Molina, F.,
Allgemein.
This article offers a historical review of the Franco dictatorship in the Basque Country and analyses the reverberation of old myths in contemporary essays on Basque history and identity. The article explores recent historiographical developments to challenge the understanding of Basque history in ‘primordial’ and mythical terms and upholds an interpretation of the Basque past within current Spanish scholarly debates. A new historical assessment of the Civil War in the Basque territories questions both the firmly-rooted thesis of the ‘Basque (Catholic) oasis’ inside the ‘(anti-clerical) Republican terror’ of 1936 and the traditional explanation of the lower levels of Francoist violence, funded in this alleged ‘oasis’. New interpretations also question the role of Basque nationalists under the Franco regime and contest the myth of the ‘Basque genocide’. Lastly, the article uses collective remembrance to explain why a ‘memory of revenge’ emerged through the 1950s and 1960s, despite the fact Basque nationalists suffered relatively low levels of repression. This memory of revenge would eventually play a key role in the emergence of ethno-nationalist terrorism and the deficient democratization of Basque society during the Spanish transition to democracy.
Quelle: http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/49/2/296?rss=1
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April 7, 2014, 6:23 p.m.,
Beorn, W. W.,
Allgemein.
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