Januar 22, 2014, 1:01 a.m.,
Onwuzuruigbo, I.,
Allgemein.
Spatial struggles can shed light on sociopolitical processes in the evolution of African cities. Pressures on urban amenities apart, there are hassles over space orchestrated by the drift of large population of Africans to the cities. As a result, conflicts over space exist among the living as well as the "dead," given the shrinking interment spaces in most cemeteries of urban Africa. This paper identifies the more recent controversy over burial space between Hausa Muslims and government, in the 1980s, as a continuation of an earlier struggle in the colonial era. Cemeteries are not just spaces for burying the dead; for Hausa Muslims in colonial Ibadan, the struggle for cemetery space presented a mode of agitation against colonialism. The struggle also sought to reassert Muslim Hausa identity and autonomy, which lost their potency under the weight of profound social changes activated by nationalist aspirations in colonial Nigeria.
Quelle: http://juh.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/40/2/301?rss=1
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Januar 22, 2014, 1:01 a.m.,
Avci, O.,
Allgemein.
While many studies have undertaken analyses of the socioeconomic and political problems resulting from rural–urban migration in developing nations, few have examined the symbolic challenges presented by this shift. Examining news reports on the most sensational instance of slum demolitions in Turkey that took place in 1977, this study argues that urban squatting and slum dwelling created vital problems of cultural representation. In spite of huge ideological differences among various newspapers, there was a surprising level of consistency in the portrayal of the squatters as a dubious group, devoid of ideological commitment, and a serious threat to society. Such a portrayal of the urban poor as nonideological actors has been dominant worldwide, which overlooks the powerful symbolic challenge that the very existence of this group poses to idealized projects of social change, and hence the potential that their despised (non)identity offers for the development of a more democratic political vision.
Quelle: http://juh.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/40/2/211?rss=1
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Januar 22, 2014, 1:01 a.m.,
Neumann, T.,
Allgemein.
This article examines the role and influence of neighborhood organizations, state governments, and city officials in urban policy formation during the Carter Administration. In 1978, Jimmy Carter released the United States’ first comprehensive national urban policy, A New Partnership to Conserve America’s Communities. With its emphasis on voluntarism, decentralization, and public–private partnerships, the national urban policy accelerated the devolution of social policy begun under the Nixon Administration and laid the foundation for Reagan’s retrenchment. Looking beyond the urban policy deliberations to the activities of two other Carter initiatives, the National Commission on Neighborhoods and the White Conference on Balanced Growth and National Economic Development, demonstrates that state and local officials and neighborhood advocates were complicit in establishing and legitimating urban policies predicated on privatization and devolution.
Quelle: http://juh.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/40/2/283?rss=1
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Januar 22, 2014, 1:01 a.m.,
Chronopoulos, T.,
Allgemein.
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Januar 22, 2014, 1:01 a.m.,
Fortner, M. J.,
Allgemein.
Over the past decade, mass incarceration has received much scholarly attention from historians, social scientists, and legal scholars. Despite the substantive contributions of this research, the overreliance on functionalist and top–down political explanations has undermined its descriptive force and explanatory power. Many accounts fold the peculiarities and nuances of the "law and order" discourse of the late 1960s and early 1970s—the period during which the seeds of mass incarceration were sown—into neat, imprecise narratives that render black politics invisible and relegate white politics to the stifling abyss of whiteness. Consequently, in order to understand the miscellany of law and order concerns and identify the role African Americans played in the construction of this discourse, this essay returns to the social and cultural context of the late 1960s and early 1970s. It situates the cultural concepts of law and order within local contexts in order to excavate their meanings, relative importance, and relationships. It describes the "black silent majority" and argues that the individual components of law and order were united by class considerations rather than racial motivations.
Quelle: http://juh.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/40/2/252?rss=1
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Januar 22, 2014, 1:01 a.m.,
Wakeman, R.,
Allgemein.
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Januar 22, 2014, 1:01 a.m.,
Jou, C.,
Allgemein.
This article illuminates what it was like for African Americans dining at majority-white restaurants in New York City before the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Primary sources include: records of the Committee on Civil Rights in East Manhattan (the CCREM, an organization that investigated New York restaurant and housing sector discrimination in the 1950s), the personal papers of the CCREM’s secretary, contemporaneous newspaper accounts of restaurant discrimination, and 1950s travel guides for African Americans. This article argues that unlike southern cities, where Jim Crow laws clearly demarcated color lines in public accommodations, color lines in New York City restaurants were more ambiguous. Although African Americans were frequently discriminated against in New York restaurants, they were seldom refused service outright. Rather, the discrimination they experienced was more oblique—though no less benign—than in the South.
Quelle: http://juh.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/40/2/232?rss=1
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Januar 22, 2014, 1:01 a.m.,
Chen, M.,
Allgemein.
In the early twentieth century in New York City, the tongs of Chinatown established themselves as one of the most resilient, and clever, organized crime enterprises in Lower Manhattan. Through spectacular violence and shrewd political dealings, they survived by adapting to, and helping to shape, the evolution of Chinese America. Groups like the Hip Sings and On Leongs, inspiring awe and fear, spiced a chaotic urban stew in which race, class, and politics bubbled into a peculiarly American amalgam. But the tongs were never mere street criminals. These sophisticated organizations represented a formative period in New York’s Chinatown and the Chinese American community. Though rooted in Chinese culture, the tong was a uniquely American response to the racist oppression and political disenfranchisement of the Chinese, who were criminalized and legally excluded under immigration codes until the 1940s. The changes that the tongs underwent, in both their public image and their economic and political activities, reflected evolving, often contradictory, relationships with local law enforcement, civil society, and transnational political movements. Previous scholarship on the tongs is sparse, yet the tong wars appear in numerous literary, cultural, and analytical works on Chinese American history. The article examines the histories of two rival tongs with similar political underpinnings, the Hip Sings (協勝堂) and On Leongs (安良堂), who negotiated cultural and political boundaries to build power in the emerging Chinese American community. During the Exclusion Era, which lasted roughly from the late 1800s through 1943, the tongs consolidated their power by curating elements of tradition and Western urban society. In response to local, national, and global social change, the tongs continually honed and recast their public roles in Chinatown as the community came of age in modern America.
Quelle: http://juh.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/40/2/357?rss=1
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Januar 21, 2014, 4:24 p.m.,
Taylor and Francis: Nationalities Papers: Table of Contents,
article.
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Januar 21, 2014, 4:24 p.m.,
Taylor and Francis: Nationalities Papers: Table of Contents,
article.
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